An Alternative to Abortion

I first wrote this back in 1995. I've revised it some since, but it seems just as relevant today

Recent instances of violence, including murder, by so-called "pro-life activists" have raised the controversy between proponents and opponents of abortion to the level of a national crisis which, in my view, requires quick and decisive action by the new Congress. I support legislation which would protect the lives of people going about their lawful activities and promise swift and effective retribution against those who use violence to achieve their ends or publicize their points of view. While Congress must respect the rights of the states to deal with this problem, it has clearly become a national problem which demands national attention by Congress working with the state legislatures and law enforcement agencies to arrive at a workable solution.

However, the very fact that this issue has become so acute is evidence that the underlying disagreements which have caused it need also to be addressed. I believe that an appropriate solution to this problem must not only punish lawbreakers, but provide a resolution to their incentive to break the law in the first place. What is needed is a frank and dispassionate discussion of the various points of view to try to reconcile them, to the extent possible. I am writing this to add my voice to the discussion and to propose what I think would be at least a partial resolution.

Among the most contentious is the religious position. On the one side is the argument that abortion, as the term is usually used, is the murder of an innocent human being, and, being murder, is therefore morally wrong. I happen to support this view, not so much because my church teaches it, but because it's the most logical viewpoint. Except for the closing of a few valves within the body of the child, nothing particularly significant happens to him at birth. If a human baby is a person immediately after birth, there is nothing which would make him or her any less human before. Yet I recognize that the Supreme Court has regretfully ruled otherwise. The decision of the Court is, after all, the Law of the Land, which it is the duty of the President to enforce and for the Congress to enable him to do so by appropriate legislation. Nobody is above the law!

As I have pointed out at length elsewhere, in its opinion, written by Justice Blackmun, the Court suggested the means by which the whole controversy regarding abortion could be forever resolved:

"The appellee and certain amici argue that the fetus is a "person" within the language and meaning of the Fourteenth Amendment... If this suggestion of personhood is established, the appellant's case, of course, collapses, for the fetus' right to life would then be guaranteed specifically by the [14th] Amendment. (emphasis mine) The... appellee conceded on reargument that no case could be cited that holds that a fetus is a person within the meaning of the Fourteenth Amendment.*

The Constitution does not define "person" in so many words ... the use of the word ["person" in the Constitution] is such that it has application only post-natally. None indicates, with any assurance, that it has any possible pre-natal application.*

All this... persuades us that the word "person," as used in the Fourteenth Amendment, does not include the unborn... We need not resolve the difficult question of when life begins. When those trained in the respective disciplines of medicine, philosophy, and theology are unable to arrive at any consensus, the judiciary, at this point in the development of man's knowledge, is not in a position to speculate as to the answer."

The decision of the Court in Roe v. Wade was the right decision. It was the correct decision. It was the honest decision. It was based on the facts of the case. That the facts are other than what we would like them to be is our fault, not theirs. The Supreme Court has a sacred duty, not to decide what the Constitution should say, but what it actually says. Only then can we make intelligent choices about if or how the law based upon it should be changed by our legislature or popular referendum. To claim that it is the Court's fault is a monumental obscene lie!

Given that nobody, including every single one of the 1,200,000,000+ lay and clerical members of the Roman Catholic Church, could come up with even one convincing argument that the term "person" applies Constitutionally to the unborn, it is difficult logically to argue against the viewpoint on the other side, that a pregnant mother is the sole custodian of the developing child, with a moral right to decide what is to be done with her body and whatever is inside it. Frankly, I can support this view, too. The most intimate privacy we have is that of our own bodies, and if the state can invade the privacy of a mother's uterus, then the very concept of personal privacy is meaningless.

In my opinion it is also difficult for those of us who have blood on our hands for violence and demonstration instead of vigorously supporting "personhood" legislation (which the Catholic Church has thus far failed adequately to do when it had the chance) logically to place the blame for legalized abortion on the Supreme Court. It's not their fault; it's ours. No matter how much money we spend on seditious "marches on Washington" or "pro-life rallies," wanton killing the unborn will always be just as legal in the United States as murdering slaves, for the same reason. As long as we refuse to guarantee their civil rights by recognizing them as persons before the law, they will be only so much garbage, to be thrown out and burned with the trash. Any compromise of the fundamental principle that unborn babies are people, as human as you or I, is intrinsically at least as reprehensible as human slavery.

On a higher level, I believe we must be careful that we do not let religious views cloud our thinking about what the law should be. To enact legislation based solely on what is perceived to be moral or immoral is a direct violation of the First Amendment. Many of our modern legal problems appear to me to be due to the inability of many of our legislators, and the people whom they represent, to distinguish between what is demonstrably good or bad for society and what they personally believe to be sinful. It is not the function of the law to legislate morality; that is for the churches and individual consciences. The function of law is to promote the general welfare, to enhance the good of all the People and protect their individual rights.

Therefore, I am not asking anyone to take a stand on this issue on moral grounds. That is between each individual and his own moral code. I see this issue rather as one of civil rights, and here again there is a problem. The civil rights of the expectant mother are clearly at risk if abortion becomes the choice only of criminals. The civil rights of the child are also clearly in jeopardy if the mother is forced to bear and raise a child she does not want. I know some children who have endured this miserable existence, and I sincerely believe that it would have been better for these children had they never been born at all.

I think we should view this issue in its proper light. The question of viability, which has been used to argue against the rights of the unborn, is clearly flawed. No human baby can survive without parental care, either at birth or for long afterward. Compared to an unborn child, the infant or toddler is much less viable. The unborn child can survive without any special care on anyone's part, while the baby, as we all know, requires constant care to survive. I was born one month premature, and very nearly died, in 1941. Medical science at that time was barely able to keep me alive, and left me with a damaged eye which has never been completely functional. Yet my first grandson, who was three months premature, at a weight of just two pounds ten and one half ounces, is a thriving adult today thanks to modern science. The lower limit on the age post conception that a baby can survive outside the womb is limited not by the infant, but on constantly improving medical technology.

An artificial womb developed by researchers at the Children's Hospital of Philadelphia has the potential to reduce the post conception age of viability to nearly zero.

So the question is not one of viability. If the infant is to live at all, he or she must have constant care for years, but all that must be done to a developing human embryo or fetus is to leave it alone. If the issue of viability is to be our criterion of humanity, then an infant is, from that point of view at least, far less human than a child in the womb, and a patient maintained on a life support system is not human at all.

On the other hand, if the question is one of civil rights, our record as a race and as a Nation is truly abysmal. We have consistently denied civil rights to racial minorities, children, women, handicapped persons, those whose sexual or gender identity is different from the norm, and persons only accused but not convicted of crimes for reasons which, looking back from a presumably more enlightened position, are absolutely disgraceful. Therefore, I think we have to take a hard look at any attempt to deny civil rights to anyone, however unlike ourselves they may be, and regard any such decision equally as suspect as the Dred Scott Decision. The Supreme Court has reversed itself before. It may do so again. We must be careful not to give its decisions in specific cases so much additional legislative support that it is impossible in future to overturn them if they prove to be unwise without wrecking our society in the process. By upholding the absolute denial of any rights to the unborn we are setting ourselves up for a social upheaval at least as great as was caused by Brown versus Board of Education.

But there is a more fundamental question here. Is unrestricted abortion in this country good for society? I contend that it is not. There are three very important reasons why:

So I maintain that unrestricted abortion is not in the best interests of society as a whole. But what about the rights of the mother, or the father for that matter? Does society's interest in a more productive population override the individual's right to decide whether or not to raise children? Of course not. But perhaps we ought to look at the current situation a little more closely to assure that the rights of the individual actually are, and do not merely appear to be, safeguarded.

Abortion, like divorce, is clearly a remedy for what is perceived as a greater evil. I have never heard of any women becoming pregnant just so she can have an abortion later. As the father of a pregnant juvenile (who now is a registered obstetric nurse) myself, I think I know some of the anguish and fear that accompanies an unwanted pregnancy, especially among the young. For many, an unplanned or unwanted pregnancy presents no good alternatives, only ones which are bad to a greater or lesser degree. Abortion is seen as a lesser evil than giving up one's lifetime ambitions or of taking on unwanted responsibility, or possibly of suffering some social stigma. But what if we could allow the reluctant mother to fulfill her ambitions, to avoid that responsibility or to forgo the social embarrassment? Would abortion be such an attractive alternative then? Wouldn't it be better for everyone to provide a means for caring for the mother while at the same time guaranteeing the welfare of a potentially productive child? I think we can do that, and I think we can do it very easily.

We can do it by making adoption by responsible parents easier for them and for the mothers who bear their children. Having been exposed to the social considerations of adoption both as a friend of adoptive parents, a relative of a professional host mother, and as a grandparent of a child given up for adoption, I believe I am in a position to know well how great the number of potential adoptive parents is and how anxious they are to find children to love. I think we can help them fulfill their ambition to become responsible parents, and I believe that it is in the best interests of our society to do so. Here is what I propose:

Establish a national prenatal care fund and data bank for people who want to adopt and for women who are carrying unwanted children. We could gather all the data necessary on a single sheet of paper, one side describing the characteristics and desires of the prospective parents; the other side for information on the potential child. Each person using this data bank could furnish as much or as little information as he chose. The input could be managed by existing social welfare agencies and private adoption agencies which would certify the data. An established, respected adoption agency, private or state-run, would be a fairly good guarantor of the data, whereas an individual could make out the form himself (or herself) and send it in with only his (her) signature as evidence of its accuracy.

Operation of this data bank could be made self-supporting by having potential adoptive parents pay into it in proportion to its cost and the restrictiveness of their requirements. Parents who are willing to adopt any healthy baby would pay a standard rate, based upon the overall costs of the system. Those who insisted on a given gender or certain physical attributes or on greater confidence in the data presented by the mother would pay more. Perhaps parents willing to adopt a handicapped child or an older child might pay less. The payments could be determined by analysis of existing demographic data to assure that the system spent only what it took in.

It would cost the American taxpayer exactly nothing!

Then use the revenue produced to take care of the expectant mother. If she has no place to live, the fund would provide her one. If she has no job, the fund could help her find one, or perhaps hire her itself. If she needed medical care, or was carrying a child known to require special services, the fund would provide them. In short, the fund would make the pregnancy as easy as possible, with no strings attached. The mother would not be committed in any way until after the child was born. To discourage using the services of the fund as free prenatal care insurance, a mother who decided to keep her baby would be required to pay for the services she received over a reasonable period, perhaps as an added amount to her income tax for the next eighteen years. (It might be preferable to begin the assessment after the 18th year to allow the child to help the mother pay back to society what it spent to allow him an opportunity to be born. The extra bookkeeping costs to the IRS would be paid for by the fund.) Otherwise, she would be under no restrictions whatever.

Adoptions could be managed by existing agencies in either the public or private sector. All the data bank would do would be to match up desires of prospective parents with characteristics of available or potential children. If a couple wanted to adopt a baby girl, they could have their pick of several thousand. The fund would tell them where baby girls whose mothers didn't want them were and who represented them. Probably there would be several in the couple's home town. If they wanted to adopt a blond, green-eyed boy whose parents were both musicians, the data bank could put them in touch with an agency representing musicians who had unwanted sons with green eyes and blond hair. They might have to travel a couple thousand miles and deal with adoption laws in two states, but that would be their affair. All the data bank would do is match them with the agency representing the child they had specified. The agency fee, if any, would also be a matter between the adoptive parents and the agencies, if any, involved. The government's fee would be the basic charge plus the extra for the specific characteristics wanted, adjusted periodically to keep the system self-supporting.

Of course, private adoption agencies could still operate to guarantee certain characteristics of the adoptive parents, charging the birth parent(s) a fee for this service. But they could still use the government data bank by paying into it the set fee for each adoptive parent represented, based upon the desired characteristics of the child. The fee would be collected only when a child with the desired characteristics was found and the prospective parents (or their agent) notified.

No doubt there would be fluctuations in the fees charged as the numbers of participants changed, and there would be many administrative details to work out. But this same service is being provided on a smaller scale by adoption agencies and religious groups now, so it can certainly be done. Providing this as a government service would simply make it easier for a mother to provide a prospective contributor to society and for prospective adoptive parents to adopt the child of their choice. Everybody would win, including the whole of society. I think such a service would significantly reduce the tensions of the current debate, and the cost to both the state and federal governments of dealing with them.

I believe this is an idea whose time has come. I would urge everyone to take a look at it before considering any so-called "freedom of choice" bill. A choice is free only if each of the alternatives is achievable and desirable. What I propose is to give the mother-to-be back the rights which she loses by an abortion: the right to be free of fear, the right to reject the responsibilities of parenthood without physical and emotional trauma, the right to be free of invasive surgery, the right to be taken care of, and the right to contribute to society as only a parent can.

As President Kennedy once said, "In giving rights to others which belong to them, we give rights to ourselves and to our country." To force an expectant mother to choose only between an abortion or to raise an unwanted child is to give her the choice only between two very great evils.

Any freedom, especially freedom of choice, should be much more than that!

John Lindorfer